A Levee Turns Into a Nightmare

While we government officials may not ever come close to being “party animals,” we have made it a permanent fixture in our busy schedules to attend at least the levees hosted by the President and his wife. For all you attentive persons out there, you may stare in shock and say, “Well, isn’t that what British monarchs had? All those in favor of a democratic republic ought to repudiate such events!” Now there, my radical friend. The only attendees allowed were men, but so long as you are dressed well for the occasion, you should not experience any troubles.
As I was pondering over what to write on this week’s blog post, I thought it important that the events not characterized by names such as the “national bank proposal” or “legislation” ought to be documented for posterity. One such event is President Washington’s levees, what I like to call “a gathering of the well-dressed attention seekers.” While it may sound insolent, it’s very true. Those wishing to be in favor with the President ransack their wardrobes for the glossiest and vogue articles that they can find. It gets ugly.
Not only is it a gathering of fools, but a socially required reception for us government officials. It would be impertinent to be absent from such; I really don’t know why, but it just is. So, yesterday, I (ironically) looted my closet of meager belongings (everything nice is at the dry cleaners) and managed to uncover a suit of a bold dash of green, a waistcoat (“You are so boring when it comes to waistcoats,” my wife often tells me), and silk stockings which bear the result of one too many times stepped in a puddle. Desperate times call for desperate measures. At least I had a decent pair of shoes, but the buckles looked like they had been the playthings of some wild beast with fangs. But look on the slightly positive side: I finally found my favorite pair of socks! (I can just hear the crickets in the background.) The dark abyss that is my closet rarely ever yields anything, much less something fit for a presidential levee. After that brief struggle, I tended to my hair, as I distrusted hairdressers. I abstain from powdering my hair; why ought I to look like a sixty-year old clown for the sake of fashion? As I stood back admiring myself in a speckled mirror, I heard a voice full of thought say,
“If I ever saw a government official wear such a vile green, and I was the citizen being represented by the latter, I would wonder to myself ‘I thought they were men full of wisdom and sense,” and would entirely abandon the notion.”
“Thank you, Thomas… for those kind words of sympathy.”
This is what happens when you agree to go along with your cousin.
“Why,” he said as he strolled into the room, “it was a merely a piece of fashionable advice.”
“At least I don’t go around town sporting some sort of aristocratic, blown-up poof on my head that is strikingly similar to a that a deranged man’s taste in hairstyles,” I muttered under my breath about the hairstyles he had recently been experimenting with.
“What was that, dear cousin?”
“Oh, nothing. Just lamenting my bland waistcoat.”

We departed from my apartment in one of the city’s more upscale neighborhoods and headed down the street, stepping over the occasional drunkard and deftly avoiding puddles. In the sky, the moon was but a mere sliver behind the curtain of clouds, leaving us to be guided by gas lamps on every corner. As we hurried along, a gentleman on stilts went around lighting them. I sure hoped he didn’t drop the match. I, for my part, walked in silence, deep in thought, only vaguely aware of my cousin’s babbling as he rambled on about the dangerous antics of the Secretary of the Treasury and how the President was entirely oblivious to it. I really could have cared less at the moment, for I was confident in the General’s abilities. After what seemed like an hour of nothing but a whiney Thomas Jefferson, we reached a brightly lit house on the corner of Cherry Street. The levee was held especially late for some reason today. In the background was a still East River. Persons from all ranks of society were politely shoving past one another to get through the door as quickly as possible. After several minutes of fussing, we managed to enter into a magnificent lobby. Ladies in dresses of varying designs with strands of pearls in their hair delicately waved intricate fans as they gossiped with gentleman in subtle colors that took great pride in the perfect hairstyles that they believed rivaled everyone else’s. Above us hung an exquisite chandelier, containing at least a dozen or so candles. Beneath our feet lay a polished wood floor. Benches of elegant woodwork with plush cushions flanked the sides. Portraits of landscapes and majestic scenery adorned the walls. It never failed to show the General’s expert taste in furniture and design. We proceeded to follow the general wave of people into the living room, one as stylish as the lobby. A huge, circular rug took up a great deal of space in the center before the roaring fireplace. A small mahogany table with two chairs stood in the corner, a well-kept chessboard on top. We gathered in what was attempting to be a circle, but rather an oval, and waited for the President. Chatting quietly amongst ourselves, I leaned to the side, and asked Thomas,
“It appears that this particular reception is most irregular. Did you hear about anything new?”
“Nope.”
Suddenly, Washington’s personal secretary, Tobias Lear, opened the door from the other side and the President entered, trailed by Colonel Hamilton and joined by Lear. The Treasury Secretary chose for the occasion the usual striking colors, today a deep red, comparing him to a ripe tomato. Mr. Lear was more modest, wearing blue like that found on our national flag. The General went outside his usual attire. He sported a suit of deep green; an off-white waistcoat, his shoe buckles being gold this time; stockings matching his waistcoat; and a dress sword hung at his waist. The room turned silent, and he proceeded to walk around the circle, Mr. Lear introducing him to newcomers, and he would converse with them in a few words. We waited patiently until he reached us. Although I really had no real reason, I was intimidated by his presence, and it appeared the same was of Thomas.
“M-m-Mr. P-president, as you very well remember Mr. Randolph and Mr. Jefferson.” Mr. Lear was a timid man, small in stature, and non-existent in conversation.
“Indeed, Mr. Lear.” The General peered at us closely like specimens.
“Mr. President,” we said is unison, and bowed.
“Gentlemen. Now Mr. Randolph, something has been troubling me for several weeks. It appears that a court in Massachusetts’ first district has been openly protesting the Constitution by conducting court decisions as if under the previous Articles of Confederation; would you mind looking into that?
“Of course, Mr. President.” As you can see, I have the most uninteresting department in all the government.
“And you, Mr. Jefferson. Does Monticello prosper?”
“Why, yes, Mr. President. I have just begun to use your crop rotation method. Most ingenious!”
With that, they launched into a discussion on the aforementioned method, and I was left standing there like a fool. Agriculture had no especial appeal to me. I looked beyond the President’s shoulder, and saw Colonel Hamilton looking in my direction. He appeared to be sneering at me due to my lack in partaking in the conversation, but I couldn’t say for sure. The President finally completed his rounds, and we lapsed into discussion. I made my way across the room to Mr. Fisher Ames, a congressman from Massachusetts. I never really had a particular liking for him, but he had the credentials of a patriot. He represented the first district of Massachusetts, and I hoped that my discussion with him would go smoothly. When I reached him, he was discussing foreign policy with a fellow representative.
“Excuse me, Mr. Ames.”
He turned around, and gave me a skeptical look. We never really got along that well.
“Oh, good evening, Mr. Randolph. May I help you?”
“Good evening, sir. May I have a word with you?”
“Surely.”
He kept staring at me dubiously as we departed from his colleagues and walked to an empty corner of the room.
“Mr. Ames, I am ashamed to hear of disorderly and unpatriotic behavior in your district. Do you have any particular reason that could possibly account for such?”
“Please accept my sincerest apologies on behalf of my constituents. Such behavior was instigated by rebels and advocates of sedition. It does not in any way represent the true feelings of Massachusetts, its delegation, or the rest of its loyal citizens.”
“If such continues, we will be forced to break off entirely from them, and continue on.”
“Such will not be necessary, Mr. Randolph.”
“But something is. I have been commissioned by President Washington to look into the issue. I suppose that includes quelling it.”
“You would not dare unleash the power of the military force upon the people!”
“It is not my intention to do so. The process would be one of peaceful negotiations and diplomacy that will furthermore discuss the fears of this… opposition and bring to light for them the reality of the Constitution. But if such measures fail, we will proceed by force.”
Mr. Ames seemed to pale.
“Has such behavior ever exhibited itself before?”
“No sir. At present, I have no knowledge of their ideas or their origins. Surely, as this is such a small group of persons, maybe it does not need the involvement of the federal government?”
“Why do you think the President asked me to look into it? It means that the issue is larger than you think it is. He must believe that it poses some sort of danger to the American republic; like a contagious disease, it could spread, and cause sedition and the like. In addition, it probably implies that previous attempts on a lower scale to put an end to it failed.”
“Sir, before we come to any conclusions, I first must review the situation, see the ideas and the like, and report back to you.”
“Very well then. I expect a report by fortnight.”
“Yes, sir,” and with that, he scampered off.
It personally bothered me that such was occurring.
Was this an omen to the American republic?
Are we slowly collapsing, descending into anarchy and all the other gloomy elements of a disunited nation?
The very principles that endanger the Constitution?

Did Somebody Just Say... National Bank?

Good evening fellow citizens and patriots,
At our last encounter we saw the foundation of our nation being put down, constructed of laws and justice, a democratic republic. In our ventures, through our efforts, and with your support, our Union, as fragile as it might be in structure, has arisen to the challenge and is ready to take its place in the world as a sovereign power. I proudly present to you the United States of America.
It is once again I, Edmund Randolph of the state of Virginia (please note that we have deferred to being politically correct in naming our individualized territories) I write to you once again from Philadelphia, and as I do, I peer out through my window onto the bustling street below. Philadelphia is as vibrant at night as it is in day. I reminisce of my days at the Convention. The mess of thoughts has its plentiful share of sour ones (blasted crickets and daytime friends the flies) and some memorable ones too (Mr. Madison adopts quite a festive mood when he relishes his wine) I recall the meetings at the taverns and in the alleyway (nothing to be suspicious of) and the raucous debates (it's a miracle I have any hearing left at all) In the years succeeding that summer, I found myself once again caught in the cyclone that was politics. Once you've got a Constitution, you must implement it: and what a better person to head the operation than the General himself, General George Washington. Or rather, should I say, president? Indeed, the General was inaugurated in eighty-nine (with plenty of witnesses) and so the national government was up and running... slightly. The president was without a council to advise him in the perilous first steps of our infant nation. Therefore, by the authority vested in us by the Constitution, a collection of department heads was assembled by the man himself, a picky process, for he of all people would not pluck the random lawyer off the streets and call him important. So, in the end of it all, he is aided by the brilliance of Colonel Alexander Hamilton as his Treasury Secretary, a fellow soldier of mine in the days of patriotic fervor; blessed by the strategic thinking of his Secretary of War General Henry Knox, also a battlefield colleague of mine; and lastly Mr. Jefferson as Secretary of State, who has recently returned from his diplomatic mission in France. He has much changed since the last time we spoke. It appears he has adopted many of the mannerisms of the French aristocrat, but I pray he shall realize that nobility of such a degree will not be much favored by the people. Then there's me. Attorney General and a Federalist. What I would like to document on this paper of my life in this position so far shall begin with our most recent meeting. The meetings are generally rare, for the President prefers an encounter of two, should the matter he would need to discuss happened to be pertaining to their respective department. But in one our full-fledged meetings, which can be quite a spectacle, was discussing Hamilton's plan for a national bank. So here's how it went:
I come strutting along down the street like a peacock, quite proud of my new clothing straight from the merchant, and up the steps to the President's House. Originally the house of Mr. Morris, the President and his family of three now occupy it along with whatever servants or such they might have accompany them. But the guest bedrooms are never desolate. Whether it be the traveling lawyer or a senator, there is always a gaggle of squawking company to keep Lady Washington busy. Speaking of her, being the President's Lady, she has got quite a load on her hands. From managing a household (with which she has plenty of experience) she must also oversee dinner preparations and the like for the torrent of guests. Not to mention her two grandchildren, who accompanied them to Philadelphia. You have Washy and Nelly, two young, rambunctious children with an annoying parrot to keep them entertained. That blasted bird has mistaken my shoulder as his necessary.
But I digress. I am welcomed by the President's aide, whose name escapes me, and am shown down the hall. Vice President Adams is already there, fixing his stocking as usual, and Mr. Jefferson, who takes an immediate and profound interest in his shoe buckles when I approached. Sometimes I wonder if the man is petrified by my presence. I am, after all, his cousin. After a long, awkward silence in which everyone avoided the gaze of the person next to them, or in Mr. Jefferson's case, took to studying his shoe buckles like an unknown specimen, Colonel Hamilton arrived, his penetrating gaze speaking of unparalleled brilliance.
"Gentlemen," he said as he approached us, "you seem to have forgotten that you three speak the same language. Indeed, your shoe buckles seem to belie their extraordinary contents."
He looked at Jefferson, who evermore continued to examine those gold decorations as politely possible when awkwardness couldn't be overcome. So after some more awkward moments, the president appeared fro, his study. Although we may have known each other for many years, I am continually in awe. He stands like a ramrod with a face as silent and still as stone. He possessed the great gift of silence.
"Gentlemen," and he made a deep bow. There was a collective 'sir,' several bows, and we proceeded on to the dining room. Shamefully of me, this was my favorite part of the meetings, when we got food. Lady Washington's roast beef is something to look forward to.
"It appears that Colonel Hamilton... Has a proposal for us today?" the General inquired.
"Why, yes! None other than for a national bank!"
I swore I could hear Thomas gasp. When I looked at him, he was in utter shock.
"A... Na-na... National bank?" he whispered.
"You heard me correctly, Mr. Jefferson! Backed by gold and silver!" The room was silent. A national bank? Now that was something we had yet to experience. During and after e war years, each state had its own currency, much less a national bank! This prospect was stunning to me, although I don’t why. But I knew why Thomas’ jaw was on ground about this one. He analyzed the Constitution like a student dissecting a frog. He had probably this bank to be a contradiction.

“May I make an objection please?” He was doing his best to hold down the fiery barrage he was ready to unleash upon Hamilton.

“What bothers you, Mr. Jefferson? Is the idea daunting?” What a sly sneak, mocking my cousin like that.

“The mere idea of a national bank is unconstitutional in its nature.” What’d I tell you?

“Oh, silly Mr. Jefferson! You haven’t even heard my proposal yet!” With that, he snapped a piece of paper out of the inside of his coat, and flipped it open. He donned his eyeglasses, cleared his throat, and began to read.

“First off, a great inconvenience plagues us all as we travel from state to state. In Rhode Island, we find one certain coin, and its neighbor Massachusetts has a an entirely different one. If we are to be one unified country, we might as well have on unified currency. That’s just one aspect of the plan. The second feature is to control the national debt. By my calculations, that debt is at $50 million. As you shall see momentarily, the bank is created with the concept of… unity in mind. Funds, taxes, and the like will be handled by this institution.”

There was a great silence in the room. The number was just unfathomable. $50 million?

“It’s unconstitutional.”

Every head turned toward Mr. Jefferson.

“I beg your pardon, Mr. Jefferson?”

“It’s unconstitutional. If you take a good scan of the document, it is not stated anywhere that Congress has any right or authority to create this… national bank.”

Hamilton gave it a good long thought.

“Mr. Jefferson, do you recognize the term, ‘implied powers’?”

“Not really…”

“Well then, we learn something new each and every day. Implied powers, when used in this situation, suggests that the Constitution, while it does not directly state the authority to create a national bank, it does give the federal government power to do anything that they deem essential for this nation. That thing, essential to our very survival, is a national bank, the unifying and balancing force of this nation’s economy. That, and I am sure you will agree, is very constitutional.”

Thomas was deeply stumped. Where was James Madison when you needed him? Ah, but here he was. Just as Hamilton finished his stinging defense, Madison made a surprise visit. He took a bow and said, “Colonel Hamilton, you really ought to learn how to talk like a real gentleman, not like a riled up drunkard. I could hear from down the hall… and I heard something like a national bank."

Here we go again. You see, Madison is notorious among us Federalists for being in cahoots with Jefferson from the very beginning, and there is no doubt in my mind he will side with Jefferson about this whole bank business.

“It’s very true, Mr. Madison. The bank will unify America and reserve us a place as a sovereign power amongst the greats!”

Madison looked at him skeptically.

Washington suddenly came to the aide of his favorite subordinate, “It’s based off the Bank of England, and England appears to have a very secure and stable-“

“AHA! You see? That sneaky fool wants to turn this nation into a monarchy! This is merely the first step!” Madison was up and out of his chair. “Can’t you see, Mr. President? That man is manipulating you? Don’t be blind to the situation!”

The President, cool and calm as in most situations, replied, “Mr. Madison, such epithets and allegations will not be welcomed during this meeting. As much as you think that being of such a high age may deteriorate my ability to comprehend, I thoroughly debunk that with the evidence that the men surrounding me at this table are all of pristine credentials. If you wish to continue with such insolent comments, please make them known outside of this room.”

Madison knew better than to deal with Washington.

“Well, if you would excuse me, Mr. President,” and with that, he took his hat and exited the building.

“Colonel, make your proposal to Congress. It appears to be our only hope.”

The meeting was at an end.

Afterwards, as we were leaving, Thomas pulled me to the side.

“We cannot let this bill even enter the consideration of the congressman. The banking industry is an infinity of successive felonious larcenies. Madison was right. Colonel Hamilton, just as he attempted to block Mr. Adams’ way to the presidency, will now endeavor to move us towards a monarchy, modeled right off Great Britain. You have as much influence as me. In the best interests of your country, join us in the opposition.”

“Thomas, I cannot and will not become involved in this political quagmire of flaring tempers and contemptuous feelings. I am resolved to be a neutral between you two as the President is between England and France. I am sorry, but I just can’t descend to such a level as to bicker continuously.” I knew I had made the right decision, but the wrong thing to say. As soon as the words were out of my mouth, I could see the hurt in Thomas’ eyes.

“Then I shan’t bother you about the matter again.” He was very right about that.

The Work Has Only Begun

---

September 17th, 1787, Afternoon, 5:34: After two plans, a compromise, countless hours of debates, and a summer of blistering heat, the day has come on which each and very man taking part in the politics within the rooms of the Pennsylvania State House during this decisive convention would have made the decision of whether or not to affix his signature to this document we call the Constitution of the United States of America. So many have done so, stepping up to the President’s chair, pen poised in hand, ready for their name to go down in history as one of the signers of the Constitution of these States United. And yet, some had not, me being one of them. Joining me in declining such an offer were fellow Virginian Mr. Mason, Mr. Ellsworth of Connecticut, Mr. Lansing, Jr. of New York, and Mr. Pierce of Georgia, among others. My reasons for objection, which I will make further make known in a letter I hope to soon write, are clear: first, and foremost, I would like to express my agreement with the fact the Articles of Confederations under which we have been living for sometime, are inadequate, very much so, but this new plan which we call the Constitution does not surpass the Articles, for it contains one too many faults, in my opinion. It seems Mr. Mason isn’t all that happy about it either, for he “would sooner chop off his right hand than put it to the Constitution as it now stands.” If so, I wonder if he too, must be robbed of his sleep like me, fearing that this Constitution will be put in for ratification without any chances for the states to amend it, and therefore, it might be thrown to the wind, and any opportunity for a second chance to plan another Union might go with it.
Despite my negativity on the subject, I, along with Mr. Mason and Mr. Gerry of Massachusetts, believe that the amendments be made not by this convention, but by the conventions in the states and that a second convention be called together to consider such changes. I had proposed this just two days ago, but our trio was sadly snubbed.
Upon the issue of representation, there was a debate over whether the slaves in our country be counted as part of the population. Once again, we have come back to the issue which has plagued this convention ever so long, that of representation. We southern states wish for them to be counted as part of our population so that we may hold a larger number of seats in the lower house. Should this be rejected, the Northern states will be able to out-vote us with the fewer representatives regarding the issue of slavery. The North has the same fears; should we count slaves as part of the population, we will out-vote them on the aforementioned issue. They have also made the argument that slaves, who were without the right to vote or the other such rights included in one’s citizenship, should not be counted as part of the population and therefore give us further representation in the lower house. At the end of the heated debate, we came, once again, to a compromise. Called by the delegates as the 3/5 compromise, such a compromise states that slaves will be counted as three-fifths of a person. The results which this compromise has yielded give neither side its way but, like all compromises, it respects their wishes.
Another matter in this convention is the slave trade, a debate as heated as the air outside my window. Three states have already declared that they will not join this Union should trafficking of slaves be prohibited, thus placing us in an uncomfortable position on the matter, for if we are to lose these states, the Revolution and this convention will have gone to waste. I personally am against the institution of slavery and if I had the power to, I would have abolished it a long time ago. Shouldn’t the slaves, who fought to free this country from the shackles imposed by Great Britain, be treated the same as every man, woman and child in this nation? I have made my stand on the subject clear to the delegates and have vouched for the word “slavery” to be removed from our plan of the Union, my motion carrying.
Now that signatures have been affixed to the document, the time has come for the long process of ratification upon which the future of these States United stands. I do not expect for Virginia's ratifying convention to ratify all that quickly. As for myself, despite my dislike of the document, with
my influence, I ultimately decide Virginia's ratification. If I am to place my vote against the plan of Union, I fear Virginia shall be left out of it…

As to whether this historic event has been of any benefit to me or my reputation, I pay no mind to that, for I upheld the spirit of patriotism, fighting for what is right, and keeping in mind the opinions of my fellow citizens, like an official of a democratic republic. May our stories be passed down from generation to generation... wiki-style.
I hope to once again put the cursor to the wiki page with new adventures soon.

Sincerely, your faithful friend and correspondent,
Edmund Randolph

A Compromise! It's About Time, Gentlemen...

---

July 23rd, 1787, Night, 8:45: Rejoice! A compromise has been made! It shall go down in history as the Great Compromise! Just today, it was settled, after a heated debate discussing representation and the method by which slaves are to be counted for purposes of taxation and representation. Regarding the two plans aforementioned in this blog, we have agreed upon the following:
1. Direct taxation will depend upon representation.
2. Upon the subject of representation, the Senate shall have one vote per delegate, the delegates being chosen by the state legislatures and the lower house’ representation will depend upon the free population of the states. The Senate will be in favor of the smaller states. Thus, there will be equal representation with each state having two votes.
3. This lower house will have power to make bills for raising or spending money.
This suits well for large and small states alike, and it goes well with me. It respects our wishes by having a proportionally represented house, and the candidates will be nominated and elected by the people. This will be a true show of democracy in a republic. This compromise will also bring down the deadlock between the large and small states. The next step in this process will be to draft the actual document. A Committe of Detail has been appointed to do so. On this committee sits Mr. Gorham, Mr. Rutledge, myself, Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Ellsworth, one of the proposers of the compromise. The other delegates have gotten a ten-day vacation, much to my dismay.
But the merciless sun and the pesky bugs are little more than mere nuisances. They will not be able to destroy our joy at this compromise. We are steadily on the way to becoming a glorious nation. As much I wish I had a ten-day vacation as well, this new Constitution is of the essence.
Oh bother, the clock has broken! And I am no virtuoso at rewinding clocks.

(If you were wondering, that's Mr. Ellsworth in the painting.)

The Virginia Delegation Strikes Again!

May 29th, 1787, Morning, 7:15: I have just arrived in Philadelphia several days ago, finally after 270 miles of bumpy road. The weather here is miserable and merciless in terms of the heat. But I am excited! Fellow delegate James Madison has already been here long enough to become properly acquainted with the city. The General is here too, and I had met with Dr. Franklin just two days ago. His intelligence is most extraordinary! As aforementioned, I was planning to stay at Mary House’s boarding house. Pennsylvania delegate Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Madison, Mr. McClurg, and Mr. Read are also occupying rooms there. Read and Dickinson have been forced to share a room due to room availability, which was at a premium. The house is most crowded, and Ms. House is quite nasty. I believe she despises me.

I’ve given some thought to this convention. We fought to free ourselves from a monarchy. We fought to become a nation based on the principles of equality. We fought to become a democratic republic. And yet, somehow, I feel that, in the end, there will be one executive and the war effort will have gone to waste. In my moments of thought, I considered the Articles of Confederation. We fought to become a nation based on the principles of equality. We fought to become a democratic republic. And yet, somehow, I feel that, in the end, there will be one executive and the war effort will have gone to waste. In my moments of thought, I considered the Articles of Confederation. They are without a national judiciary system, something which troubles me as a legal professional. Overall, they are inadequate. General Washington seems to have agreed with me. When we spoke together yesterday, he told me that he thinks the federation “little more than a shadow without substance.” Mr. Madison had called a meeting of the Virginia delegation just before the entire body of delegates convenes. For a time which seemed like forever, we came up with an extraordinary plan. Our proposal that we like to call the “Virginia Plan”. I have been assigned the duty of presenting this plan today, although it is still four days before the official start of the convention. Mr. Madison isn't one for speaking, and prefers that I, as someone with oratorical experience in court, present it.

This plan reflects Virginia’s point of view; since we are large in population and geography, we are in favor of proportional representation. Though, I personally don’t know if this will go well with the smaller states…

Anyway, several features include:

1. A bicameral legislature; in simpler terms, there will be two houses: a lower house and an upper house. I should mention that this lower house will be elected by the people and the upper house will be elected by the lower house.

2. House membership which will be determined proportionally; population will once again play a key factor.

3. The legislation, should it be resolved as so, will be powerful. Thus, this will help prevent any monarchical designs within the future government, should there be one. It will give sovereignty to the people, which will further promote our efforts to be a democratic republic.

4. As I had mentioned before, the Articles of Confederation lacked a national judiciary system. This new plan includes such a judiciary system, with members serving life terms.

5. The executive of this government and some members of the national judiciary will have the power of the veto, should they want to do so to legislation. The power of the veto also extends to state legislation.

6. An executive will be in office long enough to see and ensure that the will of the legislation be carried out. This executive will be chosen by the legislation.

As a Virginian and a lawyer, these resolutions conform to my interests: the nonexistent national judiciary system was one the inadequacies I had seen in the Articles of Confederation. We from Virginia support proportional representation, and this plan suits my hopes for our future government. And that is exactly why I am sponsoring it. My only doubt is that the smaller states such as Delaware and Rhode Island will not agree to such resolution.

Ah, well, the clock has struck 7:30. We shall be meeting in several minutes. Now, where is my hat?

Into The Cyclone Once Again

May 1st, 1787: Just this morning, a messenger showed at my door with a most interesting assignment. I, Edmund Randolph, of the state of Virginia, have been called to a gathering in Philadelphia that will most assuredly decide the fate of these States United.
As a reader, you might be wondering just who I am. I am Edmund Randolph, governor of Virginia, and a proud signer of the Annapolis Convention. I have had the honor of serving as an aide-de-camp to General Washington during the War. I have been in the turmoil of politics before, and such experience includes delegate clerk of the Virginia House of Burgesses, delegate to the Continental Congress and the Confederation Congress as of the latest. I have also taken part in the State Constitutional Convention. My profession as a lawyer has kept me in a private law practice, having confronted legal issues for important figures such as George Washington among others. My knowledge of law has also elevated me to the dignified seat of Attorney General of Virginia, my term having ended just last year. I know not yet whether this position at the gathering will be a stain on my reputation, or the reservation of a place in history.
I was born into the influential family of Randolph, in the capital of Virginia, Williamsburg, which I later governed as mayor. As a young adult, I had the privilege to attend the College of William and Mary. After graduation, I began reading law. When the Revolution broke out, and families were torn apart, split by the pull of both countries, my own family parted our ways: my father was a Loyalist and returned to Britain. I chose to be part of the patriotic cause, and served as an aide-de-camp to General Washington. In the year of our glorious break from England by way of a Declaration of Independence, I married Elizabeth Nicholas.
But I have also been working as a planter on my plantation. As much as I do despise it, I am involved in the curse of slavery on the plantation. I specialize in many topics important to plantation owners, such as land speculation, real estate, lending, and investments.
Much excitement has arisen on my part about this gathering. I will most certainly not allow poorly marked roads to become a setback. I've managed to convince General Washington to attend the Constitution, for without him, we may not be able to accomplish anything. George Mason and James Madison are also to attend. I have confidence in these men's expertise and judgement.
We have been presently living under the Articles of Confederation. They are weak and inadequate, and it lacks a national court system. We need a strong, central governement with a three-man council because a unity in the executive to be the foetus of monarchy. This new government should be a democratic republic, with a national legislature electing an executive commission. I admire the Swiss republic in terms of government, and believe we ought to follow in their example. There has been much talk of representation. The smaller states, as I've heard from Mr. Mason, want to keep equal representation due to their small size in population. Well, we states of larger proportions believe that equal representation doesn't suit the small and the large. States such as Virginia and Pennsylvania ought to have more votes due to their larger populations. I will most assuredly bring this up at the Convention.
I have been questioned by Mr. Wythe if I would like to partake in the new government, should there be one. My law practice is too much of a responsibility to leave and venture off once again into the whirlwind of politics. But I believe that is what I shall have to do now. My predecessor in the legal business, Mr. Jefferson, has one too many pesky clients.
Ah, here is the carriage now. As much I try to ignore them, those blasted roads force me to leave a bit early. I am planing to stay at Mary House's Boarding House. I expect my wife to join me there at some time.
You shall hear from me shortly, but in the meantime, if you believe in the spirit of '76, rally for a strong, central government!

P.S. This is a video about my home! Please ignore the people in inappropriate attire such as scandalously short breeches.